By Elizabeth Warren
An not likely political superstar tells the inspiring tale of the two-decade trip that taught her how Washington relatively works—and rather doesn’t
As a toddler in small-town Oklahoma, Elizabeth Warren yearned to visit collage after which develop into an basic tuition teacher—an bold objective, given her family’s modest ability. Early marriage and motherhood looked as if it would placed even that dream out of achieve, yet fifteen years later she was once a special legislations professor with a deep realizing of why humans move bankrupt. Then got here the telephone name that modified her existence: might she come to Washington DC to assist propose Congress on rewriting the financial disaster laws?
Thus started an rude schooling into the bare-knuckled, usually dysfunctional methods of Washington. She fought for larger financial ruin legislation for ten years and misplaced. She attempted to carry the government dependable through the monetary concern yet turned a aim of the large banks. She got here up with the assumption for a brand new enterprise designed to guard shoppers from predatory bankers and was once denied the chance to run it. ultimately, at age sixty two, she determined to run for non-obligatory place of work and gained the main competitive—and watched—Senate race within the country.
In this passionate, humorous, rabble-rousing booklet, Warren indicates why she has selected to struggle enamel and nail for the center class—and why she has develop into a hero to all those that think that America’s executive can and needs to do larger for operating households.
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Extra resources for A Fighting Chance
In this sense home is, of course, both a process and a product. Or perhaps, it is neither – it is, rather, the situated and evolving combination between a distinctive spatial attachment and the material achievements in which it results. Both processes of home-making and homes as material or environmental objects, in their mutual interaction, are amenable to empirical research. The point is to do so within a broader societal framework: the home experience should be embedded into the “patterns of historical, geographical and social differentiation” that it “reﬂect[s] and reproduce[s]” (Dowling & Fitzpatrick, 2012: xx).
Survey-style questions on people’s satisfaction with their residential circumstances, at a house or at a neighbourhood level, are part of this “tracing” process, but do not sufﬁce to accomplish it. Of course, ethnographies of housing provide a step ahead in this sense 2 RESEARCHING MIGRANTS’ HOME 33 (Franklin, 2008; Ronald, 2011). The same holds for the long-standing anthropological tradition in ethnographies of the house (Bourdieu, 1970; Carsten & Hugh-Jones, 1995; Birdwell-Pheasant & Lawrence-Zúñiga, 1999a).
The conditions and options available to do © The Author(s) 2017 P. 1057/978-1-137-58802-9_2 29 30 MIGRATION AND THE SEARCH FOR HOME research on and into homes are not just a matter for methodological appendixes. Rather, they require extended elaboration, given the complexity of home as a social experience and the difﬁculties of gaining access into it. This is still more the case, whenever it overlaps with the home as a private setting; and, in the case of migrants, whenever home is dislocated over multiple settings and assumes shifting bases in, and across, such contexts.